The FOG Acronym

MK3|Oct. 8,2025

I have an ongoing research White Paper on the topic for further reading.

The FOG acronym stands for Fear, Obligation, and Guilt, and it represents the three primary emotional tactics that manipulators, such as narcissists or emotionally dependent people use to control others and coerce them into doing what they want.

 Here is a breakdown of each component:

F: Fear is a primal emotion that triggers a fight-or-flight response, making an individual more likely to comply with demands to stop the perceived threat.

 Definition: The manipulator uses direct or implied threats to instill anxiety, uncertainty, or panic, coercing the target to comply to avoid a negative consequence.

Threats of Abandonment: "If you leave me, I will hurt myself" or "I will make sure you never see the children again." Social Retaliation: "I will tell everyone what you did/said" or "What will people think of you if you do this?"

Threats to Wellbeing: Creating financial insecurity or professional jeopardy to ensure compliance.

O: Obligation exploits a person's intrinsic sense of duty, loyalty, and responsibility. The manipulator creates a sense that the target "owes" them, often by distorting past favors or sacrifice.

Definition: The manipulator creates an artificial sense of debt or duty, compelling the target to meet their requests, even if it goes against the target's best interests or boundaries.

"You Owe Me" Statements:

  •  "After everything I've done for you (paid for college, helped you with X, etc.), the least you can do is this."

Exploiting Loyalty:

  •  "A good daughter/partner/friend would never refuse this."

Burden of Duty:

  • Framing their request as the target's primary responsibility ("I work so hard for this family; you need to take care of this for me").

G: Guilt preys on a person's natural desire to be good, avoid harm, and live up to moral standards. The manipulator weaponizes this emotion by making the target feel responsible for the manipulator's negative feelings or bad outcomes.

The manipulator shifts blame and responsibility onto the target, making them feel remorseful or accountable for something that is not their fault, thereby controlling their future behavior.

Blame-Shifting:

  •  "If you hadn't done X, then I wouldn't have been so angry and done Y."

Conditional Love:

  •  "If you really cared about me, you would cancel your plans and help me."

Martyrdom/Victim Role:

  • Exaggerating their suffering or exhaustion to make the target feel guilty for not providing more help or attention ("I guess my feelings don't matter," or heavy sighing to induce self-blame).

The Effect of FOG

When all three tactics are used together, they create a metaphorical "fog" that confuses and paralyzes the victim. The victim feels anxious and unsure (due to Fear). They feel morally compelled to help (due to Obligation). They feel bad for considering setting a boundary (due to Guilt).

This state makes it incredibly difficult for the victim to see the situation clearly, set healthy boundaries, or respond rationally, leading to a cycle of compliance and emotional exhaustion.



Our Duty: Enforce the Constitution

MK3|Oct. 6,2025

WHETHER THE GOVERNMENT LIKES IT OR NOT

John Dickinson understood what schools don’t teach – the people are the ones to enforce their own constitution.

“IT IS THEIR DUTY TO WATCH, AND THEIR RIGHT TO TAKE CARE, THAT THE CONSTITUTION BE PRESERVED; or in the Roman phrase on perilous occasions – To PROVIDE, THAT THE REPUBLIC RECEIVE NO DAMAGE.”

Dickinson wasn’t a radical by temperament. He was careful, deliberate. But he knew even the best Constitution would mean nothing if the people didn’t step up to enforce it themselves.

That warning rings louder than ever today. Politicians in both parties burn through trillions, spy without warrants, and hand out permission slips for your natural right of self-defense. They want obedience – not vigilance.

The Constitution can’t enforce itself.
Never did and never will.

That’s a big part of the reason why the Tenth Amendment Center exists. For nearly 20 years we’ve reminded the people of their duty – a duty to protect and defend their own Constitution and their own liberty, whether the government likes it, or not.

But TAC runs only on your support. No government funds. No billionaire strings. Just people like you who understand Dickinson’s call: when the constitution is violated, the answer is to “be instantly found … before the supreme sovereignty of the people” 

And Dickinson was far from alone. Samuel Adams, for example, also reminded us that defending our constitution and liberty isn’t just a good idea – but a moral imperative – a duty.

“The liberties of our country, the freedom of our civil Constitution, are worth defending at all hazards; and it is our duty to defend them against all attacks.”

That’s not a summary for a book report. It’s a warning for us right today – and every single day.

Power always grows. Governments will never restrain themselves – and relying on them to do so – has given us the largest government in history.

The only way to turn things around is get back to the foundation. That’s why we take it right back to the founders and the old revolutionaries: The duty to keep government in check belongs to us.

Concordia res parvae crescunt

(small things grow great by concord) 

Source:Tenth Amendment Center 

The Militia the Founders Envisioned, and What Remains Today

MK3|Sep. 5,2025

“Who are the militia? They consist now of the whole people.” 

George Mason cut to the heart of it: the militia was not a government creation, but the people themselves.

That simple truth has been twisted, ignored, or totally forgotten.

Say the word “militia” today and most people look at you like you’re a fringe nutcase. But the founding generation saw it differently. They viewed a well-armed and well-trained people as the backbone of liberty, the essential security of a free republic.

The Constitution’s militia clauses were supposed to secure that principle. The Anti-Federalists warned they would do the opposite – and time has proven them right.

CITIZEN MILITIA VS. STANDING ARMY

This story really begins with a principle most Americans have forgotten, and most were never even taught: the choice between a citizen militia and a permanent professional standing army.

Henry Knox, Washington’s Secretary of War, reinforced this: in a free society, the ultimate safeguard had to be an armed people, themselves.

“An energetic national militia is to be regarded as the Capital security of a free republic; and not a standing army, forming a distinct class in the community.”

That view was widespread because almost the entire founding generation viewed standing armies, especially large permanent ones, as one of the greatest dangers to liberty. A perfect example of this view came from the great revolutionary war hero Joseph Warren.

“It is further certain, from a consideration of the nature of mankind, as well as from constant experience, that standing armies always endanger the liberty of the subject.”

The same warning carried forward to the ratification debates over the Constitution. “A Democratic Federalist,” possibly Samuel Bryan, pointed to the long record of history. From every angle, the conclusion was the same: a standing army was the single greatest danger.

“The experience of past ages, and the result of the enquiries of the best and most celebrated patriots have taught us to dread a standing army above all earthly evils.”

And Tench Coxe drove the distinction home. A militia of the people worked for the people, defending their own freedom. A professional army was nothing but the tool of those in power. And people in power always find ways to use that power for the worst.

“There is a wide difference between the troops of such a commonwealth as ours, founded on equal and unalterable principles, and those of a regal government, where ambition and oppression are the profession of the king. In the first case, a military officer is the occasional servant of the people, employed for their defence; in the second, he is the ever ready instrument to execute the schemes of conquest or oppression, with which the mind of his royal master may be disturbed.”

MILITIA IN THE CONSTITUTION

James Madison tied the whole question of liberty to the militia itself. What others had warned about in theory, he pressed as a principle to be written into the Constitution itself.

“As the greatest danger to liberty is from large standing armies, it is best to prevent them, by an effectual provision for a good Militia.”

Tench Coxe tied those principles together into one clear doctrine. The militia was the people themselves, and he affirmed Madison’s view that they made a standing army unnecessary.

“The militia, who are in fact the effective part of the people at large, will render many troops quite unnecessary.”

He explained why. An armed population, by sheer numbers, could act as a check on regular troops, because the geographic situation of the country meant there would seldom be many of them in the first place.

“They will form a powerful check upon the regular troops, and will generally be sufficient to overawe them – for our detached situation will seldom give occasion to raise an army, though a few scattered companies may often be necessary.”

The framers sought to write these principles into the Constitution, where the word “militia” is included six times.

Article II, Section 2 made the president commander in chief not only of the army and navy, but also of the militia of the several states when called into the actual service of the United States.

Article I, Section 8, Clause 15 explained when that could happen. Congress could provide for calling forth the militia only in three situations: “to execute the Laws of the Union, suppress Insurrections and repel Invasions.” Clause 16 delegated to Congress the power to “provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining, the Militia, and for governing such Part of them as may be employed in the Service of the United States.”

That last power would become the heart of the coming debate.

The Bill of Rights added two more mentions of the word militia. The Fifth Amendment exempted cases “arising in the land or naval forces, or in the Militia, when in actual service in time of War or public danger.”

The Second Amendment put the principle beyond dispute, tying the people’s right to arms directly to the survival of a free state.

“A well regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed.”

THE BIG DEBATE

During the ratification debates, there was strong opposition to giving Congress power to organize, arm, and discipline the militia. As Federal Farmer wrote, the starting point was clear: liberty required the great mass of the people themselves to remain armed.

“To preserve liberty, it is essential that the whole body of the people always possess arms, and be taught alike, especially when young, how to use them”

Patrick Henry pressed the point even harder. Liberty could not be secured by a portion of the people.

“The great object is, that every man be armed”

That demand ran headlong into Alexander Hamilton’s approach. He began by acknowledging the opposition’s concern that federal power over the militia could be used to form a select corps, loyal to government instead of the people.

“By a curious refinement upon the spirit of republican jealousy, we are even taught to apprehend danger from the militia itself, in the hands of the federal government. It is observed that select corps may be formed, composed of the young and ardent, who may be rendered subservient to the views of arbitrary power.”

Hamilton then made his own claim. A general militia, he said, was not the safeguard of liberty but an impractical and dangerous burden.

“The project of disciplining all the militia of the United States is as futile as it would be injurious, if it were capable of being carried into execution.”

In one stroke he dismissed the idea that ordinary citizens should give their time and effort to arms and training, calling such effort a nuisance to be avoided.

“To oblige the great body of the yeomanry, and of the other classes of the citizens, to be under arms for the purpose of going through military exercises and evolutions, as often as might be necessary to acquire the degree of perfection which would entitle them to the character of a well-regulated militia, would be a real grievance to the people, and a serious public inconvenience and loss.”

THE SELECT MILITIA

The Anti-Federalists repeatedly warned that any plan allowing a “select corps,” or what they called a “select militia,” could be extremely dangerous. In Pennsylvania, John Smilie warned that this would, in practice, be a standing army.

“Congress may give us a select militia which will, in fact, be a standing army”

And if men hostile to liberty gained power, they would have every reason to cripple the one institution that could resist them. That meant abolishing the general militia altogether.

“Or – Congress, afraid of a general militia, may say there shall be no militia at all.”

Either way, the stage would be set for the ultimate danger.

“When a select militia is formed; the people in general may be disarmed.”

George Mason explained how easily this could happen. Congress would not need to seize weapons outright. It could let the militia wither through neglect.

“The militia may be here destroyed by that method which has been practised in other parts of the world before. That is, by rendering them useless, by disarming them. Under various pretences, Congress may neglect to provide for arming and disciplining the militia, and the State Governments cannot do it, for Congress has an exclusive right to arm them”

But Mason saw something even more sinister -what if this wasn’t accidental neglect, but the whole point?

“Should the national Government wish to render the militia useless, they may neglect them, and let them perish, in order to have a pretence of establishing standing army”

Even Hamilton conceded that the scope of power was wide open. No one could predict what Congress might choose to do.

“What plan for the regulation of the militia may be pursued by the national government, is impossible to be foreseen”

Mason brought the issue back to first principles. In 1788, there was no ambiguity –  the militia still meant the people themselves – all of them.

“I ask who are the militia? They consist now of the whole people, except a few public officers.”

Mason drove it home with a warning that would prove to be prophetic. To grant Congress control over organizing, arming, and disciplining the militia was to guarantee a select militia – and with it, every danger the Anti-Federalists had warned against.

“But I cannot say who will be the militia of the future day. If that paper on the table gets no alteration, the militia of the future day may not consist of all classes, high and low, and rich and poor; but may be confined to the lower and middle classes of the people, granting exclusion to the higher classes of the people. If we should ever see that day, the most ignominious punishments and heavy fines may be expected.”

THE PUSH FOR AMENDMENTS

This fear of Congress neglecting the militia, or even disarming the people and leaving only a select corps, was a driving force behind the push for amendments.

At Virginia’s ratifying convention, they proposed one in unmistakable terms:

“That the people have a right to keep and bear arms; that a well regulated Militia composed of the body of the people trained to arms is the proper, natural and safe defence of a free State.”

New York, North Carolina, and Rhode Island all ratified with nearly the same recommended amendment.

Years later, Thomas Jefferson recalled just how urgent the issue had been. From Europe, he pressed James Madison for amendments to guarantee that the Constitution itself would help prevent that great threat to liberty – a standing army – by securing the militia.

“I wrote strongly to mr Madison urging the want of provision for the freedom of religion, freedom of the press, trial by jury, habeas corpus, the substitution of militia for a standing army, and an express reservation to the states of all rights not specifically granted to the union.”

THE WARNING CAME TRUE

Remember George Mason’s warning about Congress turning the militia into a narrow class, while exempting those with the greatest means? A century later, that prediction became law.

The Militia Act of 1903, what most people today call the Dick Act, narrowed the definition of the militia from “the whole people” to a specific segment of the people.

“The militia shall consist of every able-bodied male citizen of the respective States, Territories, and the District of Columbia, and every able-bodied male of foreign birth who has declared his intention to become a citizen, who is more than eighteen and less than forty-five years of age”

From there the Act went even further, creating the very “select militia” Mason and the Anti-Federalists had warned would destroy liberty.

“And shall be divided into two classes, the organized militia, to be known as the National Guard of the State, Territory, or District of Columbia … and the remainder to be known as the Reserve Militia.”

And then, of course – to ensure it’s just like the standing army we were warned about, Congress ensured that politicians were completely exempt.

“That the Vice-President of the United States, the officers, judicial and executive, of the Government of the United States, the members and officers of each House of Congress … shall be exempted from militia duty, without regard to age”

THE ONE-TWO PUNCH

The militia was, and always will be, the people themselves.

But just as the Anti-Federalists warned, once Congress was given the power to organize, arm, and discipline only part of the militia, the results were inevitable.

Today we live with the one-two punch they predicted:

  1. A select militia – the National Guard – is treated as nothing more than an arm of the permanent standing army.
  2. Tens of millions of Americans are not armed today.

Source in part: https://tenthamendmentcenter.com/  

The Role of the Citizen in the U.S. Constitution

MK3|Oct. 4,2025

The following piece is based off a report that I have been working on for about 2.5 years now. The scaled down 18 page version of this report can be found and downloaded from my Dropbox using this link.

Foundations, Functions, and Evolving Responsibilities

America’s operating manual starts with three words—We the People. That’s not poetry; it’s a job description. This post breaks down what citizens own in the constitutional order, what we owe in return, and how our responsibilities are changing right now.

1) Why “We the People” isn’t a slogan — it’s chain of command

The Constitution flips the old model. Power flows up from citizens, not down from rulers. The Framers designed a republic that assumes ordinary people can supervise government — not as spectators, but as participants: choosing representatives, policing overreach, and correcting course when institutions drift. Translation: if citizens go passive, the system stalls or gets captured.

Core idea: legitimacy = consent of the governed → delivered through speech, press, assembly, petition, juries, and the vote.

2) Who counts as a “citizen,” and why it matters

The original Constitution left citizenship fuzzy. The Civil War amendments fixed that.

  • 14th Amendment (1868): Birthright citizenship. If you’re born or naturalized here (and under U.S. jurisdiction), you’re in.

  • Privileges/Immunities, Due Process, Equal Protection: States can’t play games with your basic civil status.

  • Naturalization power: Congress defines the path in; the arc since 1790 has broadened access.

Bottom line: Citizen = full member of the political community with durable claims on the Constitution — and irreversible ownership of this system’s successes and failures.

3) The citizen’s bill of tools (rights you use to govern your governors)

These aren’t ornamental. They’re the instruments you use to operate the republic.

  • Speak/Publish/Assemble/Petition (1A): Pressure valves and power drivers. Use them.

  • Due process & fair trials (4th–6th): Keeps state power honest.

  • Juries (Art. III, 6th, 7th): Ordinary people decide facts and, at times, temper the law.

  • Keep and bear arms (2A): Historically tied to the citizen-soldier; interpreted today as an individual right.

  • Move, travel, reside (Art. IV & 14A): You’re a national citizen first; states can’t turn you into a foreigner at their borders.

Practical reading: These rights are your levers. If you’re not pulling them, someone else is — on you.

4) The franchise: how “We” actually hire and fire

The 1787 text didn’t guarantee a vote. The people forced the issue over 150+ years:

  • 15th: No race/color bars.

  • 17th: People (not legislatures) elect Senators.

  • 19th: Women vote.

  • 23rd: D.C. gets electors.

  • 24th: No poll taxes.

  • 26th: 18-year-olds vote.

The courts layered in one person, one vote and nuked poll taxes at the state level. Real talk: the fight never ends — registration rules, district lines, and ID policies still shape who makes it to the booth. If you don’t track those rules locally, you’re leaving power on the table.

Action list (every election cycle):

  1. Check registration & deadlines.

  2. Track precinct changes and ID requirements.

  3. Learn your ballot before you show up.

  4. Vote in primaries and locals (where most policy is actually set).

5) Jury service: the citizen’s only mandatory constitutional duty

Jury duty isn’t an inconvenience; it’s the moment the Constitution hands you the controls. You judge the facts, weigh the law, and — together — deliver the community’s verdict. That’s raw, uncut sovereignty. Show up, pay attention, take it seriously.

Pro tip for instructors: use a short mock trial to teach burden of proof, unanimity, and deliberation norms. Adults learn it fast when they do it.

6) Duties no one lists but everyone owes

  • Obey the law & pay taxes: Baseline for ordered liberty; change bad laws the right way.

  • Defend the country if called: Selective Service exists for a reason, even with an all-volunteer force.

  • Get informed: A republic cannot survive a civics vacuum.

  • Practice civil discourse: Argue hard, but don’t dehumanize. Persuasion beats purification.

  • Serve outside politics: Voluntary associations (PTA, church groups, rescue squads, veterans orgs) knit the republic together.

Teacher’s angle: Open class with a 10-question civics quiz. Then teach to the misses. It’s humbling, memorable, and fixes the gaps fast.

7) The 21st-century shift: digital citizenship, new pitfalls

Upside: instant organizing, direct pressure on officials, public records at your fingertips.
Downside: misinformation, echo chambers, performative rage.

Your move:

  • Habitually verify before sharing.

  • Follow at least one high-quality source you often disagree with.

  • Treat social feeds like a tool, not a home — do the work offline too: town halls, school boards, juries, service.

8) Where the Court keeps reshaping your lane

  • Voting: Shelby County, Brnovich — the ground rules keep moving; stay keyed to your state’s changes.

  • Speech & money: Citizens United amplified independent spending; citizens must counter with organizing, not wishful thinking.

  • Maps: Rucho kicked extreme gerrymandering back to politics — meaning reform is on you (state constitutions, commissions, ballot measures).

Translation: litigation sets the arena; citizenship wins the game. Learn how to litigate and put it into practice.

9) Quick-reference cheat sheet (handout-ready)

Citizen powers (use them):

  • Vote • Petition • Assemble • Speak/Publish • Sit on juries • Run for office • Serve in associations

Citizen duties (own them):

  • Obey law • Pay taxes • Show up for jury duty • Register for Selective Service (as required) • Stay informed • Engage civilly • Serve community

Lifetime habits that scale your impact:

  • Vote every cycle (local > national for daily life).

  • Read one primary source/week (Constitution, statutes, court summaries).

  • One meeting/month (school board, council, commission).

  • One service lane/year (mentoring, veterans support, first-responder auxiliaries).

10) Teaching block (plug-and-play for adult classes)

60–75 minute session plan

  1. Hook (5 min): Ask: “Name two things only citizens can do.” (Answer together: vote in federal elections, serve on a federal jury, run for certain offices, re-enter U.S. unconditionally, etc.)

  2. Mini-lecture (15 min): Birthright citizenship → franchise expansions → jury duty, with a one-slide timeline.

  3. Case sprint (10 min): One paragraph each on Brown, Harper, Reynolds (equal vote weight), discuss “how did citizens force this change?”

  4. Local audit (10 min): Pull up your county’s election page. Find: ID rule, early voting window, precinct map.

  5. Jury simulation (15 min): 6-person mock jury on a short hypo. Focus on reasonable doubt & unanimity norms.

  6. Commitment (5 min): Everyone writes one concrete action before next class (register three voters, attend one meeting, apply to a city board).

Take-home: a one-page checklist (see cheat sheet) + links to your county election office and jury FAQ.

11) Bottom line

The Constitution is not self-driving. It runs on citizen fuel: your vote, your voice, your service, your restraint, and your vigilance. You already have the tools. Use them — locally, repeatedly, and with other people who don’t think exactly like you. That’s how a republic is kept.


Tree of Liberty Letter

MK3|Oct. 4,2025

NOTE: I have preserved the original letter as it was presented to me. The spelling and use of all words have not been changed.

The "Tree of Liberty" letter

From Thomas Jefferson to William Smith

Paris, November 13, 1787

 

DEAR SIR, — I am now to acknoledge the receipt of your favors of October the 4th, 8th, & 26th. In the last you apologise for your letters of introduction to Americans coming here. It is so far from needing apology on your part, that it calls for thanks on mine. I endeavor to show civilities to all the Americans who come here, & will give me opportunities of doing it: and it is a matter of comfort to know from a good quarter what they are, & how far I may go in my attentions to them. Can you send me Woodmason's bills for the two copying presses for the M. de la Fayette, & the M. de Chastellux? The latter makes one article in a considerable account, of old standing, and which I cannot present for want of this article. — I do not know whether it is to yourself or Mr. Adams I am to give my thanks for the copy of the new constitution. I beg leave through you to place them where due. It will be yet three weeks before I shall receive them from America. There are very good articles in it: & very bad. I do not know which preponderate. What we have lately read in the history of Holland, in the chapter on the Stadtholder, would have sufficed to set me against a chief magistrate eligible for a long duration, if I had ever been disposed towards one: & what we have always read of the elections of Polish kings should have forever excluded the idea of one continuable for life. Wonderful is the effect of impudent & persevering lying. The British ministry have so long hired their gazetteers to repeat and model into every form lies about our being in anarchy, that the world has at length believed them, the English nation has believed them, the ministers themselves have come to believe them, & what is more wonderful, we have believed them ourselves. Yet where does this anarchy exist? Where did it ever exist, except in the single instance of Massachusetts? And can history produce an instance of rebellion so honourably conducted? I say nothing of it's motives. They were founded in ignorance, not wickedness. God forbid we should ever be 20 years without such a rebellion. The people cannot be all, & always well informed. The part which is wrong will be discontented in proportion to the importance of the facts they misconceive. If they remain quiet under such misconceptions it is a lethargy, the forerunner of death to the public liberty. We have had 13. states independent 11. years. There has been one rebellion. That comes to one rebellion in a century & a half for each state. What country before ever existed a century & a half without a rebellion? & what country can preserve it's liberties if their rulers are not warned from time to time that their people preserve the spirit of resistance? Let them take arms. The remedy is to set them right as to facts, pardon & pacify them. What signify a few lives lost in a century or two? The tree of liberty must be refreshed from time to time with the blood of patriots & tyrants. It is it's natural manure. Our Convention has been too much impressed by the insurrection of Massachusetts: and in the spur of the moment they are setting up a kite to keep the hen-yard in order. I hope in God this article will be rectified before the new constitution is accepted. — You ask me if any thing transpires here on the subject of S. America? Not a word. I know that there are combustible materials there, and that they wait the torch only. But this country probably will join the extinguishers. — The want of facts worth communicating to you has occasioned me to give a little loose to dissertation. We must be contented to amuse, when we cannot inform.